Verb wasn't built in a cycle

(it was built in two)

Marko Simonović (Avtor), Petra Mišmaš (Avtor)

Povzetek

In this talk, we focus on verbs and argue that verbs lack prosodic specification in their lexical entry. We propose that the two different stress patterns in verbs are a consequence of two positions for theme vowels in the verbal domain. Assuming that Slovenian prosody places stress at the final syllable of the deepest cycle (Simonović under review), we argue that the verb forms that surface with a stressed theme vowel (e.g. godrnj-á-mo) have the theme vowel positioned just below the first cyclic head, whereas the remaining verbs have their theme vowel above this position which leads to stem-final stress (vijúg-a-mo).

Ključne besede

verbs;stress;root allomorphy;Slovenian;distributed morphology;

Podatki

Jezik:	Angleški jezik
Leto izida:	2020
Tipologija:	1.12 - Objavljeni povzetek znanstvenega prispevka na konferenci
Organizacija:	UNG - Univerza v Novi Gorici
UDK:	81'1
COBISS:	27344643
Št. ogledov:	1929
Št. prenosov:	0
Ocena:	0 (0 glasov)
Metapodatki: